The writer combines satire with a thoughtful look at Malaysia’s political landscape, framing Najib’s hypothetical comeback in a way that provokes readers to reflect on the nation’s priorities and the allure of charismatic leadership.
AS the dust settles on the US presidential election, political observers worldwide are left marvelling at Donald Trump’s unprecedented return.
Once marred by legal battles, Trump’s improbable comeback as the 47th President after serving as the 45th offers food for thought.
Closer to home, Malaysia has its own political figures embroiled in controversies, and the speculation has only grown about the potential for a similar comeback scenario involving our sixth prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak.
Could Malaysia see a similar political twist? What would happen if Najib, once ousted and convicted over the 1MDB scandal, decided to contest again – assuming he secures a pardon?
And, critically, would the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government entertain such a scenario? Here, I would dive into a hypothetical future where Najib is back in the ring, contemplating the realistic, the absurd, and the politically charged paths this could take.
A return echoing Trump’s?
Trump’s return has shown that legal troubles don’t necessarily dilute popularity. ‘BossKu’, as Najib is affectionately known within his core of diehard supporters, too, has retained significant support despite his fall from grace.
His social media presence remains lively, and his loyal followers – often citing his economic policies and populist strategies – continue to admire his legacy.
Yet, as strong as his following may be, Malaysia’s legal framework poses a unique barrier to any potential comeback. Unlike the US, where the system grants considerable leeway, our laws present more complex obstacles to those with criminal records.
Legal hurdles
Under Malaysian law, a conviction such as Najib’s currently bars him from running for office.
Article 48 of the Federal Constitution stipulates that a person convicted and sentenced to more than one year in prison or fined over RM2,000 is disqualified from Parliament unless pardoned.
And the Election Offences Act 1954 goes hand in hand with the Constitution, preventing anyone convicted of an offence involving corruption from contesting in general elections.
To circumvent this, Najib would need a royal pardon, a path that comes with its own political consequences for the MADANI government, particularly if it aims to avoid alienating the electorate or appearing lenient towards corruption.
A pardon might not come easily in a climate where the political cost of such a move could be steep, especially with reforms touted under Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim’s governance framework.
The million ringgit question is: Would the MADANI government take the risk?
The PH government has championed ideals of reform, transparency and accountability. To grant Najib a pardon could risk undermining this image, opening the door to accusations of double standards.
However, politics is a game of strategic choices, and there’s always room for negotiation. If Najib’s camp were to push for a release, it would likely involve specific conditions – possibly a form of house arrest or restricted political activity to manage public perception.
In this hypothetical scenario, Anwar might balance these competing pressures by securing Najib’s loyalty in exchange for concessions.
If such a pardon were offered, Anwar would likely time it carefully, perhaps after the 16th general election in 2027, giving him space to strengthen his administration before making such a politically sensitive decision.
Public reaction
Now, imagine Najib on the campaign trail once more. His re-entry would surely polarise the nation. His supporters might eagerly champion his return, viewing him as a symbol of resilience against an unforgiving system.
On the other hand, critics and reformists would likely rally against his release, seeing it as a regression from Malaysia’s commitment to clean governance.
Also, PH’s coalition partner DAP is less accommodating. It is caught in between the devil and the deep blue sea. Supporting Najib’s release would see itself alienated by its Chinese supporters, and if it’s the odd one out – not in tandem with its coalition partners in supporting his house arrest or release – it would be seen as not in sync with the rest.
Imagine Najib’s campaign slogans, drawn from the nostalgia of his earlier tenure and aimed at middle-class Malaysians. His messaging could paint his legal woes as political persecution, attempting to frame his conviction as a price paid for the people’s prosperity.
Satirically speaking, Najib’s campaign could take on the tone of an “I’ve done my time, now it’s time for Malaysia’s revival” narrative, while declaring himself as a ‘reformed’ leader, returning to fix the nation’s economy.
Imagined campaign narrative
One could envision Najib embracing a whole new slogan for his hypothetical comeback, something along the lines of, ‘Redemption for a greater Malaysia’.
He might focus on economic populism, promising another era of prosperity, free cash handouts and grandiose development plans. He could even pledge that the lessons of his past will serve as his motivation to reform Malaysia’s financial system – ironically leaning on the scandal that once toppled him.
His campaign may also spin his time in prison as a symbol of his commitment to the rakyat, painting himself as a leader who has “paid his dues”.
The vision of him leading rallies, backed by his ardent supporters, evokes a picture not far from Trump’s return, with slogans insisting that “they tried to silence him, but the people want him back”.
Strategic timing
In this hypothetical world, timing would be key. Anwar’s government, if considering a release, might calculate the move after securing another term in 2027, ensuring minimal risk to their immediate standing.
Negotiations with Najib’s camp could result in an arrangement, a conditional pardon with specific terms that limit his active involvement in politics but allow him enough room to influence his base.
For Anwar, keeping Najib under a form of controlled political influence – such as limited appearances or public statements – could be a strategic way to appease his followers without upsetting the broader electorate.
And Najib’s release after the 2027 general election would allow Anwar to take credit for fostering national unity without overtly compromising his reformist image.
But the question on everyone’s mind – both his supporters and detractors – is whether Najib could truly make a political comeback like Trump, who was convicted by the US courts earlier.
“Anything is possible in Bolehland,” just to borrow a favourite phrase from a close buddy (let’s just call him Mohd Kadir) from an Umno division.
(Bolehland is a term that refers to the Malaysian attitude of “can do”. It is a spirit that can motivate people to achieve great things, even in difficult situations. – google.com)
While the scenario might seem farfetched, Malaysia’s political history has often been full of unexpected twists. Political comebacks, dramatic party realignments, and swift legislative changes have all shaped the nation’s landscape.
Najib’s return, however unlikely it may seem, taps into the heart of a broader question: How resilient is Malaysia’s commitment to political accountability, and can a reform-minded leadership withstand the appeal of a charismatic figure?
In some respects, Najib’s return could serve as a litmus test for the resilience of the MADANI government’s reforms. Will Malaysia’s legal and political institutions hold firm, or will personal allegiances and nostalgia pull the nation back into old habits?
The satire in this hypothetical scenario lies in the circular nature of politics. Leaders come and go, but often, their legacies and the controversies that define them remain influential.
Najib’s hypothetical comeback may seem a stretch, yet his story serves as a reminder of the country’s ongoing struggle between accountability and nostalgia.
The true test, as this satire implies, is whether Malaysia’s democratic processes and laws are robust enough to handle such a comeback gracefully or if the allure of personality and past glories still holds sway.
As we watch world events unfold, the nation might ponder: Are we ready to face our own version of a ‘returning leader’ phenomenon, or have we truly turned a page?
In the end, it remains a hypothetical journey into Malaysia’s political soul, testing the strength of reform and the resilience of the people’s trust in governance.
The views expressed here are those of the writer and do not necessarily represent the views of Sarawak Tribune.
