The future lies with those wise political leaders who realise that the great public is interested more in government than in politics.
– Franklin D. Roosevelt, 32nd president of USA
Many have forgotten Stephen Kalong Ningkan was not only the state’s inaugural chief minister but also Sarawak’s first political victim.
Sixty years ago in 1963, Ningkan defied the federal government’s plans to re-structure Sarawak’s constitution along the lines of UMNO.
One of the challenges Ningkan faced was keeping Sarawak’s political structure of major races and myriad ethnic minorities intact.
The first issue concerned political leadership — Ningkan wanted a native governor, Temenggong Jugah, to reign with him.
But Kuala Lumpur rejected the proposal — because the federal government would not allow the top two powerful posts to be held by a Dayak.
For his defiance, he suffered the consequences.
Born on August 2, 1920, in Betong, Ningkan ventured into politics on April 10, 1961, when he joined a group of Iban intellectuals to form Sarawak’s second oldest party SNAP and he was elected secretary general.
Among SNAP’s founder members were Jonathan Samuel Tinker (chairman), Edward Howell, Edwin Howell, Ivory Kedit, Mathew Dana Ujai, David Lawrence Usit, Nyipa Julin and Lionel Bediman Anak Ketit.
In October 1962, Ningkan led the Sarawak chapter of the Alliance comprising four parties — Parti Pesaka Sarawak (PESAKA), Barisan Ra’ayat Jati Sarawak (BARJASA), Parti Negara Sarawak (PANAS) and Sarawak Chinese Association (SCA).
But in the midst of forming Malaysia, PANAS left the Alliance coalition to join the opposition bloc led by Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP), half of whom were leftists.
In July 22, 1963, Ningkan was appointed chief minister of a six-man cabinet comprising deputy chief ministers Datuk Amar Wong Kim Min and Dunstan Endawie Enchana from SNAP, Teo Kui Seng from Sarawak Chinese Association (SCA), and Awang Hipni Pengiran Anu, Teo Kui Seng and Abdul Taib Mahmud.
Four days later, he met British Governor Sir Alexander Waddell and recommended Temenggong Jugah Barieng as Waddell’s successor.
However, Malayan Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman rejected the appointment as it contravened an unwritten agreement that the governor should be a Malay if the chief minister was a Dayak.
On September 13, three days before the official declaration of Malaysia Day, the Tengku, Kalong Ningkan, Temenggong Jugah and British colonial secretary Duncan Sandys agreed to the appointment of Datu Abang Openg Abang Sapiee as governor.
During Ningkan’s three-year tenure as chief minister, he opposed the federal government’s education policy to make Bahasa Malaysia the nonal language.
Though the Borneo states accepted that Malay as the national language was the “soul of the nation”, they did not agree to accept it as the official language.
In another move in May 1965 that irked the federal government, Ningkan through his Chinese advisors, tried to initiate land reform laws that allowed non-natives to buy native customary land.
If the land reforms had been passed, it would have benefitted the Chinese to venture into intensive agriculture and “exacerbate” or weaken the position of some of the natives which included Malays and Melanaus.
But the federal government objected to the ‘Land Bill’ and persuaded the majority of the Sarawak state assemblymen to remove Ningkan.
Professor Dr Michael Leigh in ‘The Rising Moon — Political Change in Sarawak’ said the Land Bill was the ‘red herring’ and an excuse to get rid of the troublesome Ningkan.
The consequences were disastrous as it led to Ningkan’s downfall.
On June 16, 1966, Ningkan was ousted and forced to resign as chief minister, but he refused and was sacked.
Three months later on September 7, he was reinstated by the Borneo High Courts but the federal government decided to impose a state of emergency.
Amending the Sarawak Constitution giving power to the Sarawak governor, Ningkan was sacked a second time on September 23, 1966, ending his short-lived political career.
My connection with Ningkan goes back to 1967 when Dato Sri J. G. Ritchie was sent to Kuching as Malaysia’s first police commissioner.
My father who was a close friend of the Tengku asked to “keep an eye on Ningkan” and his political activities.
However, instead of sending out the Special Branch, my father formed a close relationship with Ningkan and became bosom buddies.
Tongue-in-cheek, my father said: “I told Tengku I had to join Ningkan at social gatherings and soon got to know his movements. Happily, Ningkan and I became drinking buddies.”
Once I visited Ningkan’s residence in Green Road and sampled his wife’s delectable home-made ‘tuak’.
By then the much-mellowed Ningkan had given up whiskeys and other hard liquors, no thanks to a minor stroke.
After Ningkan’s departure, an Iban Penghulu Tawi Sli, replaced him while SNAP went on to become a powerful opposition party.
Ningkan stepped down as president and his successor Datuk Amar James Wong became an outspoken opposition leader.
Like Ningkan, Wong who was also a thorn in the flesh of the BN coalition, became a marked man.
On October 30, 1974, James was arrested under the ISA for purportedly trying to sell Limbang to Brunei, a charge which he denied.
During his detention, the remaining SNAP leaders agreed to join as a coalition member of the BN government.
Ningkang faced his last hurrah when he supported the Sarawak BN under Abdul Taib Mahmud (now Tun Pehin Sri) narrowly gained a 28-20 victory in the infamous ‘Ming Court’ affair when four state federal ministers jumped ship.
Throughout this period, the ailing Ningkan avoided the many attempts by Chinese pro-Dayak businessmen to bribe him — once in my presence at his home when he was offered RM100,000 but refused.
On March 31, 1997, Ningkan, 76, passed away, thus ending the tumultuous life of a great leader who was conveniently forgotten!
The views expressed here are those of the columnist and do not necessarily represent the views of New Sarawak Tribune.
