The rise of nations must be understood by contextualising it within the larger phenomenon of ethnicity which shaped them.
Once formed, nations tend to be very durable despite changes brought about by factors such as migration, invasions and/or inter-marriages.
Thus, a nation has an ethnic origin, an ethno-nationalism and an ethno-symbolism with a longue dureé (long-term) existence. It thus, can even persist over many generations and centuries.
Modern forces transform but never obliterate them. This means that ethnic identities change very slowly. However, no one group maintains itself.
‘With lessons learned from the May 13 1969 ethnic riots, governance must manage social inequality and spatial segregation, and economic vocation by ethnicity must be reduced.’
In the case of Malaysia, it is a host nation in which indigeneity, Malays and Bumiputera natives of Sabah and Sarawak are recognised and stipulated in the Federal Constitution.
Being a post-colonial nation, development and migration have created a plural society in which each ethnic group used to live in its own compartment, separated and isolated from one another.
National elections in the 1960s are reflective of the society then as people voted for their own ethnic leaders and the national elections were thus portrayed as “ethnic census”.
Growing social inequality that overlaps over rural-urban, Malays-non Malays, Muslims-non Muslims since the 1930s till the 1960s saw a social rupture along ethnic lines.
With lessons learned from the May 13 1969 ethnic riots, governance must manage social inequality and spatial segregation, and economic vocation by ethnicity must be reduced.
The New Economic Policy (1971-1991) that held to a philosophy that economic growth must be redistributed, brought development, encouraged rural-urban migration and spurred technological advances that saw social changes and social transformation in the society.
‘Malays, Ibans, Kadazan-Dusuns, Chineses, Indians and others are proud of their ethnic identities but concern for national stability and progress are more paramount.’
The social changes triggered commercial-industralisation processes of replacing the subsistence agrarian sector; the rate of poverty was reduced to a single digit with the expansion of the middle-class, and cosmopolitan areas encroached into the rural hinterland.
In the 1990s, these processes of modernising the society have developed a culture of modernity among the diverse ethnic and religious groups from Perlis to Sabah that have lived and worked together. Studies show that these groups have thinned the ethnic boundaries between them. Their social interactions, ties and relationships cut across ethnic lines.
We see these relationships acted out in eateries such as Hotspot in Kuching, Nasi Kandar, the ‘pasar malam’, and at games and athletic meets where Lim Chong Wei, Nicol David, the Roketman Azizulhasni, the Malayan Tiger in the Suzuki Cup are crowd pullers.
Malays, Ibans, Kadazan-Dusuns, Chineses, Indians and others are proud of their ethnic identities but concern for national stability and progress are more paramount. Their public opinions of right and wrong, good or bad, gains or losses, political and national issues are showing greater similarities rather than differences.
Greater sharing of norms could be observed among Malaysians rather than ethnic politics.
The reformation movement of 1998 was increasingly supported by the urban populace, the middle-class and Gen-Y who hold to greater civic values of freedom, the right to information and assembly, social justice, inclusivity, integrity and good governance within the practice of democracy.
Though it took 20 years, this movement that has had a long and winding political development from Gagasan to Pakatan Rakyat to Pakatan Harapan now managed to replace the Barisan Nasional (BN) as the ruling coalition last May 9.
The political change was peaceful and no violence was recorded. Even the anti-ICERD demonstration on December 8 organised by Malay NGOs was peaceful and the streets were clean though 1.97 million people participated in it.
Being a diverse society, social tensions do prevail in Malaysia as public resources are distributed such as during awards of scholarships and university admissions, and allocation of development funds.
However, through negotiations and bargaining a consensus is arrived at albeit an ethnic compromise. Even the skirmishes between Indians and Malays such as the ones last November 26 at the Hindu temple in Seafield, Sungai Petani in 2012, Kampung Medan in 2001 and Kampung Rawa in 1998 were not necessarily related to or based on ethnic or religious differences.
Studies show that these skirmishes reflect more on the failure of the local government in enforcing the law governing illegal temple construction and development failure in managing inter-generational poverty among the ex-rubber estate workers and the urban indigent poor of the Indian community. These skirmishes often fade away from public attention after three months and the nation returned to normalcy.
Moments of unity are increasingly observed as good governance and development brought better quality of life and social mobility to the populace as observed during the big flood of Manik Urai, Kelantan in 2012.
Malaysians of different ethnic and religious groups sacrificed their material possessions, time and energy to assist the flood victims. And in normal times, they celebrate together their new year’s day and cultural festivals such as ‘kongsi raya’, the Ramadan buffet, and others.
These narratives indicate that though Malaysia had an ethnic origin, social transformation taking in the society triggered by development and good governance has embedded itself with greater civic dimensions, embracing a plurality of cultures to ensure the country is socially cohesive stable and progressive.
However, the worrying points in our nation often arise when political and NGO leaders play to the gallery of ethno-religious sentiments to sell their ideas and influences.
Luckily, Malaysians are more mature. They have developed micro-solidarity among themselves and are patriotic enough to say no to the ethno-religious manipulators.
• Prof Dr Mansor Mohd Noor is a principal research fellow at the Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA), Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia.
