Belief in Tua Pek Kong, Tu Di Kong and Datuk Kong are among the distinctive features of the Chinese folk beliefs in Sarawak. In almost every town in Sarawak is a temple dedicated to Tua Pek Kong (TPK), also known as Fu De Zheng Shen.
There are Tu Di Kong in temples and also cemeteries, while Datuk Kong guards temples, oil palm plantations, timber camps and similar places. These deities share a commonality: they maintain a tutelary relationship with the local worshippers.
Folk beliefs are local constructs to accommodate communities’ needs. Differences in worship or differences in the functions of the deities are some unique characteristics of folk beliefs.
The worship of Datuk Kong in Sarawak is not as common as in West Malaysia. Most Datuk Kong (DK) altars are found in TPK temple compounds. DK altars are usually erected separately by the side of the main temple building.
Of the 76 TPK temples already constructed in Sarawak, 35 have DK as a subsidiary deity (28 from the southern region (Kuching Samarahan, Serian Divisions) and seven from the central region (Betong, Sarikei, Sibu and Mukah Divisions). No TPK temple has DK as a deity in the northern region (such as Bintulu, Miri, Limbang and Lawas Divisions).
Elders relate that the worship of DK is a relatively recent phenomenon which began in the late 1980s. Some said it is a tradition brought by West Malaysian Chinese who work in Sarawak. Others suggested it is a belief local Chinese picked up after working in West Malaysia. According to some, DK was first worshipped at timber camps in remote areas and when the camps ceased operation, the deity was brought to a TPK temple in town.
These were the tales about the DK deity in Sarawak. The consensus is that the worship of DK is a belief adopted from West Malaysia.
Researcher Cheu Hock Tong wrote a paper exclusively on the development of the Datuk Kong cult in Penang. Cheu argued that the adoption of the DK cult is related to the increased awareness of Malaysian Chinese of multi-ethnic cultures. He called such adaptive responses a multilateral accumulative process known as localisation. One of Cheu’s propositions was that DK devotees tried to reconcile their sense of being and belonging in Malaysia’s multi-ethnic society through the worship of DK.
The Sarawak Chinese do not seem to need a belief in DK in order to maintain a sense of being and belonging. First of all, the conception of DK in Sarawak is not as formidable as in West Malaysia.
In Sarawak, the general understanding that DK worship originated from a belief in ‘keramat’ (to possess supernatural power) seems to be lacking. Sarawak’s demography, with Dayak in the majority and the highest percentage of Christians of all Malaysia’s states, differs greatly from that of Malaysia’s other states. Only recently has the Malay Muslim population overtaken the Chinese population to become the second largest group.
A belief in pious or religious Muslim leaders is not common, at least among the Chinese community. Due to Sarawak’s demographics, the Islamic movement is not as intense as in West Malaysia. The propagation of Islamic mystical teachings, as noted by Cheu, is unheard of. Thus, the incorporation of DK worship is a signal of adoption of another deity into the pantheon of deities of Chinese traditional beliefs.
The very essence of Chinese traditional belief lies in its syncretism nature. As Tan points out, the ideology of polytheism means that there are many deities in the universe and therefore the existence of deities of other religions must also be accepted. The Chinese in Sarawak might have adopted the DK belief from West Malaysia as another form of Chinese traditional belief. Incorporating such a belief into their worship is not so much about a sense of identity but has the practical motive of gaining extra protection and blessings from the deity, who is known for being gracious in giving ‘lucky numbers’.
There seems to be local diversity in the DK. Certain DKs are believed to be vegetarian while others consume anything except pork. Some fast during the fasting month (Ramadan) while some do not. Nevertheless, all celebrate Hari Raya (the festival of Eid after the fasting month. Altars to DK have different characteristics. Some have raised stilts and a staircase while others have a single DK image or several images or just a simple plaque inscribed with the Chinese characters of Datuk Kong.
Just as in the case of altars to other deities, a sensor is placed at the altar before the image or plaque. Altars in some temples have candle stands on both sides. Black incense (kemenyan) sticks and white candles are commonly used at the altar. Black incense is usually burned for prayers.
Offerings commonly found at the altar are rolled palm cigarettes (rokok gulung), betel nuts (sliced or unsliced) and lime (kapur). Certain DKs prefer black coffee with no sugar, others prefer their coffee with sugar. A DK in Bau seems to have a particular liking for canned lychee drink while a few DKs in the Bau area favour Guinness Stout (malted black beer). Sometimes devotees prepare dishes such as nasi kunyit, chicken curry, rendang or ikan salai (smoked fish) for the deity.
